THE GLOBAL WAR PARTY CONSPIRACY

ISFED’s analysis of THE GLOBAL WAR PARTY CONSPIRACY: ITS ORIGINS, INTERNATIONAL EXAMPLES AND ASSOCIATED THREATS

Introduction 

After Georgia was granted EU membership candidate status and the Georgian Dream party reintroduced the Transparency of Foreign Influence law, government representatives began intensifying the promotion of conspiracy theories in public discourse. Members of the governing party frequently allude to a so-called “Global War Party,” a term they vaguely use to describe Western forces. This conspiracy theory aligns with Russian anti-Western propaganda and employs various methods to spread it. Introducing vague and unsubstantiated theories into public debate by a government that should be accountable undermines informed citizenship and has multiple detrimental effects, including harm to the country’s pro-Western stance and internal democracy. 

This publication examines the origins of the “Global War Party” conspiracy theory, explores its use in Russia and other countries, and highlights the threats posed by politicians employing such conspiratorial language.

The Birth of Conspiracy Theory 

On April 29, at a rally in support of the Transparency of Foreign Influence law held on Rustaveli Avenue in Tbilisi, Bidzina Ivanishvili, the honorary chairman of the Georgian Dream party, mentioned the “Global War Party” six times. The founder of the ruling party depicted this “Global War Party” as a threat to Georgia’s sovereignty. He claimed that this entity influences the EU and NATO and is responsible for the deterioration of Georgia’s relations with Russia.

This threat is frequently referenced by government representatives following the introduction of the Transparency of Foreign Influence Law. However, the term “war party” has long been part of the ruling party’s rhetoric.

This message was articulated even earlier by Mamuka Mdinaradze on January 30, 2022, prior to the onset of the Russia-Ukraine war. Mdinaradze responded to criticism from the United National Movement (UNM) regarding a resolution supporting Ukraine, in which the ruling party had refrained from labeling Russia as an occupying state. In his statement, Mdinaradze referred to the UNM as the “war party.” Since then, the ruling party has frequently equated the UNM with this term.

Mamuka Mdinaradze on the meetings in Bakuriani – this is a betrayal of your own country, and the party of war and treason will never be able to wash it off.

According to an analysis by the Meta platform Crowdtangle, the term “Global War Party” first emerged in November 2022 when incumbent Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze used it. Kobakhidze applied the term to “odious EU parliamentarians” in response to their critical stance and resolution on Georgia’s deoligarchization law.

Since 2023, the People’s Power, a group within the parliamentary majority, has joined in spreading conspiracy theories, adopting rhetoric that is heavily influenced by these theories. This anti-Western faction began disseminating conspiracies about the “Global War Party,” alleging that it was dragging Georgia into war. Initially, the term was primarily used to describe MEPs, but over time, the scope of this label expanded to include the U.S. ambassador as well.

POSTV 

Imagine, what lies ahead if Georgia’s government does not oppose a scenario similar to tha in Sudan.

In June 2023, the European Commission gave a negative assessment of Georgia’s progress in implementing the 12 recommendations. Following this, the ruling party revived the “Global War Party” narrative. Interestingly, ruling party representatives blamed the “Global War Party” for the delay in granting Georgia EU membership candidate status. Irakli Kobakhidze claimed that the “Global War Party” could easily influence the EU, which he suggested was the reason for the delay. Despite numerous questions, Kobakhidze did not clarify who he considered to be part of the “Global War Party.” On the Public Broadcaster, he stated, “I am not going to name anyone, as I can’t name them without creating an awkward situation… […]  We can’t blame the EU, but we can blame the Global War Party for influencing the EU.” [i] 

Following expanding the “War Party” rhetoric to the “Global War Party,” the ruling party introduced a new term, “local war party.” This term is frequently used to target the United National Movement (UNM).

Radio Palitra FM

“Salome Zurabishvili and the radical opposition have the same agenda, everyone sees that. Their rhetoric also coincides. Thus, it comes as no surprise, that they act upon the same interests. The resemblance of their agenda is conditioned by their common patron – the Global War Party. They do everything possible not to let Georgia receive candidate country status. And if Georgia is granted the status, Salome Zurabishvili will try to take credit. It’s clear to us what drives these forces. They have a radical agenda.” – stated Irakli Kobakhidze, the chairman of the Georgian Dream in his conversation with journalists, noting that the President’s and opposition’s rhetoric is aligned with each other.

According to Crowdtangle analysis, the term “Global War Party” was mentioned more frequently in the two months following the introduction of the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence (April-May 2024) than it was throughout all of 2023. The term’s peak level of interaction on Facebook occurred on April 29, when the ruling party held a rally in support of the law. During this event, honorary chairman Bidzina Ivanishvili repeatedly used the term in his address. Ivanishvili openly accused Western structures, including the EU and NATO, of being controlled by the “Global War Party,” which he claimed views Georgia merely as cannon fodder. According to Ivanishvili, this group was responsible for deteriorating Georgia’s relations with Russia in 2008 and, in 2014 and 2022, for worsening Ukraine’s situation. Another peak in social media interaction occurred on May 19, when Georgian MP Mariam Lashkhi linked the “Global War Party” to Masons.

Metronome.GeGeorgian Dream MP Mariam Lashkhi, speaking on the British podcast The News Agents, associated the Global War Party with the Freemasons, suggesting they have significant influence on global politics, although she did not specify who these individuals are.

“We could have played a lot more of this interview but in so many ways, I was shocked by it. Whether she believed what she was saying or not, either way, in many ways, it was disturbing“  – noted the journalist Luis Goodall who interviewed Mariam Lashkhi. 

In addition to the ruling party, pro-government media and affiliated expert commentators are also involved in promoting the “Global War Party” conspiracy theories. Anonymous social media pages contribute to this narrative as well. Like the ruling party, these propagandists do not specify who they are referring to. Pro-government media and associated individuals link the “Global War Party” to entities such as the American military complex and major financial conglomerates like BlackRock and Vanguard.

International Examples of Conspiracy Theories in Anti-Western Propaganda 

The adoption and spread of conspiracy theories by ruling parties are characteristic of authoritarian and hybrid regimes and pose a direct threat to a country’s democratic development. According to the American research organization RAND Corporation, this phenomenon is most common in countries facing challenges to stable economic and political development and that are inclined toward authoritarian rule.

Conspiracy theories, disinformation, and manipulation are foundational elements of Russian information warfare. In this context, we examine Russian anti-Western narratives that incorporate the “Global War Party” conspiracy and highlight similar anti-Western conspiracies that have been propagated in other countries.

Russia 

In Russia’s governing elite and Kremlin propaganda media outlets, a common narrative accuses the West of initiating the war in Ukraine. They depict Western forces as inciting aggression, escalating the conflict, and seeking to involve other countries in the war. Russian propagandistic media frequently refer to the U.S. and “certain elite circles” in the West as the “war party.” This rhetoric intensified in Russia, particularly following the annexation of Crimea in 2014. A search in Russian search engines for “war party” yields numerous news articles and blogs linking the term to the West and its supposed warmongering intentions.

Following Russia’s full-scale intervention in Ukraine in 2022, Russian high-level officials frequently use the term “collective West” to describe a range of perceived threats from the West. This term, employed by both Russian officials and media, encompasses the U.S., NATO, and the EU. The “collective West” is often blamed for the war in Ukraine. This propaganda seeks to mobilize Russian citizens against a common “enemy,” divert attention from domestic issues, and shift blame from Russia onto the West.

Notably, similar to the propaganda messages used by Georgia’s governing elite, the term “collective West” also remains vague and undefined. This ambiguity is deliberate, as the propaganda relies on creating a broad, indistinct image of an enemy. By using terms that are difficult to precisely define or counter, the aim is to foster a generalized sense of threat, making it challenging for individuals to clearly understand or address what the term specifically refers to [1]. 

Anti-Western Propaganda in Other Countries  

Beyond Russia, the spread of anti-Western conspiracy theories is also prevalent among populist and pro-Russian political forces in other countries. For instance, in Serbia, there is a narrative that Masons, in collusion with Western countries, manipulate history and collectively oppress Serbia. Similarly, in Hungary, conspiracy theories about Masons and the “global shadow elite” are prominent in political discourse. Prime Minister Viktor Orbán utilizes these theories as a central element of his populist rhetoric. Orbán is also known for promoting the “Great Replacement” theory, which suggests that European Christian civilization is being replaced by immigrants, a claim he attributes to EU policies. In Hungary, one of the leaders of the far-right party “Our Homeland” (“Mi Hazánk Mozgalom”),  Előd Novák, employs conspiracy theories about Masons and the “global shadow elite” to actively discredit political opponents, independent media, and civil society organizations.

Armenian pro-Russian media outlets also spread anti-Western narratives grounded in conspiracy theories. In 2023, following the deployment of the EU Monitoring Mission, these propagandists associated the Mission members with Masons and the “global shadow elite.” According to this conspiracy theory, Armenia’s government is depicted as taking directives from “globalists,” fulfilling their demands, and compromising national sovereignty.

Clearly, Georgia is neither the first nor the only country where political figures employ conspiracy theories to advance their own agendas and influence policy. While the anti-Western conspiracy messages propagated by Georgia’s ruling party may not directly mirror those of Russia, they align with the broader Russian propaganda narrative. The Kremlin uses this narrative to obscure its war crimes and as a strategy to challenge the West. In fact, the anti-Western rhetoric of Georgia’s ruling party parallels disinformation campaigns seen in other countries, where political actors, often aligned with pro-Russian forces, undermine democratic quality and exacerbate political divisions.

An Ambiguous Image of an Elusive Enemy 

Vague conspiracies are a key component of information operations and as noted earlier, are a signature tool of Russian-style propaganda. The “Global war party” rhetoric, promoted by the ruling party, unsubstantiated with any facts or evidence, seeks to construct a broad and vague image of an enemy. This strategy is designed to instill fear and distrust toward the West. 

Conspiracy theories often feature undefined, emotionally charged phrases like “war party” to evoke fear and anxiety. By exploiting and amplifying legitimate fears, these theories aim to manipulate public perception and generate societal fear. The inherent ambiguity of such terms fosters ongoing debate and diverts attention from substantive issues. Conspiracies exploit collective fears to unify people against an elusive enemy, seeking to garner popular support for specific policies while distracting from pressing, real-world problems [2]. 

By spreading conspiracies and disregarding facts and evidence, propagandists can evade fact-checking, as their opponents are often unable to verify the claims. The ambiguity and lack of precision in these narratives allow propagandists to remain flexible and adapt their messages to changing contexts and circumstances. Essentially, such strategies rely on manipulation and leave little room for rational analysis [3], making them powerful tools for shaping public opinion and behavior. 

Threats of Conspiracies Promoted by Government Representatives 

When politically accountable figures adopt and spread conspiracy theories and ambiguous propaganda messages, it highlights a strategy that relies on introducing conspiracies into political discourse. This approach does not necessarily require affiliated media outlets or other traditional propaganda methods. The use of conspiratorial language by political leaders can pose significant threats to democratic countries. Below, we examine the various threats that arise from the propagation of conspiracies by political leaders: 

Accountability crisis: Democratic governance relies on leaders being accountable to their citizens. A system where political leaders are not held responsible for their words and actions contradicts the fundamental principles of democracy. Adopting conspiratorial language allows leaders to evade accountability, potentially leading to the abuse of power. When the supposed enemy is an ill-defined and ambiguous entity like the “Global War Party,” it becomes nearly impossible to hold leaders accountable for effectively addressing the alleged threat. This rhetoric prevents society from rationally assessing government performance and erodes public trust in the government.

Hindering the substantive discussion and democratic processes: Democratic processes depend on informed and rational debate. When government representatives spread conspiracies, they undermine the public’s ability to engage in meaningful discussions about important issues, relying instead on emotional manipulation. This results in citizens making uninformed decisions, which poses a significant threat to democratic institutions. Additionally, associating certain groups—such as civil society or opposition parties—with an enemy creates a serious threat to critical opinion and open discussion. 

Diverting attention from real issues and avoiding responsibility: Focusing society’s attention on vague or elusive problems diverts it from real, tangible issues that require resolution. This tactic allows leaders to avoid criticism and evade responsibility for their governance failures. By fixating on combating an indistinct enemy, leaders may prolong the persistence of unresolved issues, neglecting the pressing needs of their citizens.

Political Polarization 

Spreading negative and ominous conspiracy messages by the ruling party can deepen divisions within society. This type of propaganda not only fosters hostility toward the perceived enemy but also creates animosity between different societal groups that are perceived to be associated with or linked to that enemy. 

Inconsistency of Rhetoric with Georgia’s Security Challenges 

Notably, the ruling Georgian Dream party, with the assistance of its media outlets, has successfully shifted societal attention from Russia to the West in discussions about Georgia’s sovereignty. This strategic diversion has effectively minimized Russia’s role in the political discourse. Recently, government representatives have framed the West as a potential threat while neglecting to address Russia, which is directly responsible for the full-scale war in Ukraine and the occupation of Georgian territories. This rhetoric is inconsistent with the security threats outlined in Georgia’s National Security Strategy. By focusing on anti-Western propaganda, the government impedes the recognition of real security threats and hampers effective responses to address them.

Conclusion    

Adopting conspiratorial language poses a significant threat to Georgia’s democratic development. It appears that ruling party representatives exploit the overloaded information environment by not clarifying existing ambiguities but instead creating new, elusive, and ambiguous discussion topics. By leveraging this fertile ground for propaganda, the Georgian Dream Party frequently mentions the “Global War Party” without providing specifics or facts. This approach enables them to avoid accountability for their own messages and perpetuates a climate of confusion and misinformation.

Notably, the government promoted conspiracies while awaiting Georgia’s EU membership candidate status. In fact, one of the European Commission’s recommendations for granting Georgia this status was to combat disinformation and information manipulation directed against the EU and its values.

Crucially, the conspiracy messages align with the Kremlin’s anti-Western propaganda and contradict Georgia’s actual security threats and Western orientation. Moreover, such rhetoric is incompatible with democratic governance. Spreading messages that create a vague image of an elusive enemy and manipulate emotions detached from reality represents a method of information manipulation. When the government employs this tactic against the West, it raises significant concerns about the credibility of politically accountable figures and the direction of their foreign policy.

The publication was made possible with the support of the Federal Government of Germany’s zivik Funding Programme of the ifa Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. Its content is the sole responsibility of ISFED and might not reflect the views of the donor.